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Patan Minara – Rahim Yar Khan

A Hindu temple of Patan Minara is said to be 2,000 years old. Around 250 BC, during the Hakrra Valley culture, Patan Minara was constructed. According to Colonel Toy, it was formerly the royal seat of a country in the year 10 AD. Some archaeologists think Alexander the Great built the building while he traveled through this region on his route to India for a military campaign. Alexander established a cantonment here, as was customary, with a Greek governor in charge and a tower for closely checking the surrounding tribes. The existence of riches concealed in an old structure has a mysterious history. When the Patan Minara was destroyed in the 18th century, they found a brick with Sanskrit writing. The historical and architectural context of Pattan Munara was the main subject of this investigation. 

1. Historical Background of Pattan Munara 

In the sub-continent, Buddhism was a revolt against the Brahmin priesthood and the corrupt Hindu society based upon the concept of caste, color, and creed. `Gautama Buddha, one of the most remarkable personages of early India, declared that spiritual power is everywhere and everything; that each man must endure the consequences of his acts; that peace consists in a final release from the bond of incarnation and absorption into the absolute, and that it is to be obtained only through the extinction of desire (Ahmad, Ali, & Farooq, 2005).

Eventually, Buddha’s teachings and his noble example were incredibly instrumental in bringing about the spread of Buddhism in Asia. By 487 B.C., it had spread to countries such as Ceylon, Burma, Siam, Japan, China, Cochin, Mongolia, Manchuria, and Tibet. In India, the Parthians ultimately destroyed the Buddhist civilization, and they, in turn, fell before the Indo-Scythians dynasty, whose greatest ruler, Kanishka, also became a co-consult to Buddhism. The center of the Indo-Scythian power lay in (Jandhara and Kashmir, and Kanishka's capital was Parashapura (Peshawar). Kanishka proved himself to be a great proselytizer of the Buddhist religion. However, at that time, the Buddhist faith was the Mahayana or Great Vehicle, the latter being cast in a somewhat Brahimanial mold. It seems that the Punjab is in its heyday. Buddhist rule was a. mere province of the empire, and with Kashmir, Sind and territories west of the Indus formed a viceroyalty ruled from Taxila. It also seems that Buddhism had minimal impact on the life and beliefs of the people of the Indus Valley, as a religion did not last long, even in those areas from where it sprang up (Auj, 1991).

Figure 1: . The structure has a single doorway facing west. There appears to be no way to reach the top floor. At some point in time, the minara is said to have been used as a watch tower.

The most flourishing period of Buddhism in the Indus Valley was when the stupas were built here in the second century A.D. Parthian rule over North West India succumbed to the Kushans then. Kujula Kadphises, the Chief of the Kushans, captured the Kabul valley, and later on, his son, Vima, added Taxila and its territories to his dominions. Vima's successor, Kanishka, eventually became the ruler of the Indus Valley. It appears from an inscription at village Sui Vihar, close to the present Bahawalpur city, in which he describes himself as “the Great King of Kings and son of the Gods, Kanishka. This is dated on the 28th day of the Macedonian month Daisios in the eleventh year of his reign.” 

Pattan Munara in Cholistan near Rahimyar Khan city is another stupa built during the time of Kanishka. The various names of Fattan, Pattanpur, and Selso know the place,e. It is among one of the most extensive ruins in the Cholistan region. The only piece of ancient architecture amid these ruins is a tower in the center of four similar but smaller towers forming a Buddhist monastery. The four buildings, which were joined to the central building at the upper story, existed in a dilapidated condition as late as the beginning of the eighteenth century when they were pulled down by Fazi Ali Khan Halani and their bricks and stones utilized in making the new fortifications at Dingarh, Sahibgirh, and Bhagla. Only one story of the story stands, but Tradi, ion asserts that it has three stories. Nostoriesn says that the upper story fell. Still, the second story was pulled down by Bahadar Khan Flaallani in 1740 AD, and a brick that bore an inscription in Sanskrit showing that the monastery was built during Alexander the Great was discovered. Colonel Minchin had the mounds close to the course of the tower excavated in 1870, but nothing rewarded his exertions. During excavations, the laborers encountered some putrid semi-liquid matter over which swarmed flies of a large size and peculiar color. The deadly smell of the decayed matter and the venomous sting of the flies caused the instantaneous death of several coolies. The ruins extend over several miles, and an attempt has yet to be made to excavate them. Round Pattan Manara, there are other ruined mounds, viz., those or Khokhar, which is five miles, Bandar, four miles, and Darwaza, five miles to the east of Pattan ruins; and of Binder, four miles to the west of them. Tradition asserts that the city, in the days of its prosperity, extended over a hundred square miles, that the mounds mentioned earlier are part of the same -city, that Bhandar was a vast building for storing the grain collected from the subjects of Raja of Pattan, that Darwaza was the main entrance to the town, and that the Bindor was the central jail of the Pattan Kingdom. 

The etymology of Kohokar is still being determined, and there is no tradition about it. "It is possible," says the Imperial Gazetteer of India, "that the ruins of Pattan Munnara mark the site of the capital of Mousicanus, who, after a brief submission to Alexander, revolted and was crucified in 325 B.C. The name Mousicanus probably conceals the name of the tribe or territory ruled by the chieftain, and it has been suggested that it survives either in the tribal name of the Magasi or Magsi Balochs or in that of the Machkas. Another theory identifies the capital with Aror in Sind. A Sanskrit inscription, now lost, is said to have recorded the existence of an ancient monastery. The town was re-founded by the Sumras in the 10th century, but it is now a desolate ruin.

The identification of Pattan Munaa with Alor, the old capital of Sind, during Rai Chach's rule, is probably correct. Previously, the present site of On was considered Alor's site. It was then a thickly populated and prosperous city containing several royal villas, gardens, fountains, streams, meadows, and trees. The present site of Rohri is supposed to be too small to have held a big city like Alor spread over several miles. Moreover, even though it was an ancient Hindu capital, there is hardly any evidence of Hindu art and architecture. It is generally believed that looking for this city within the limits of Rohri is useless. According to Lambrick."Alor may have been somewhere between, roughly, Panu Aqil and Kandkot." However, he has not given any convincing reasons for this hypothesis. Mr Moor Ali Hussani, a Bahawalpuri historian, has concluded that "the grand mound of Pattan was the real Alor.

He has further pointed out the possibility of Bindor, a western Dart of the mound of Pattan, to be Benagara of Greek writers. It is also evident from the architecture and layout of the city that it was initially built on the pattern of Moenjo Baro and Harappa. The city has three separate and spacious settlements: Bindor, Darwaza, and Khokar. The ruins of grain godowns are similar in pattern and style to that of the godowns of Harrapa. It appears it was once the metropolis of the rich and powerful kingdom of Upper Sind, ruled by the most powerful monarch of India called Mousikanus. It is recorded that Mousikanus submitted to Alexander and was allowed to retain his sovereignty, which stretched to the seaboard. But his Brahman advisers prevailed upon him to revolt during Alexander's absence, and he was captured by Peithon and executed.

The country around the present Pattan was highly praised. By the Macedonian historians for its fertility, the virtues of its people, and the efficient government under which they lived. The writers have used the name Mouin in various ways sik. McCrindle has assumed it to be a territorial title of the term ‘Musicani’ applied by Curtius to the then residents of Musikano's territory. Lasson and Saint Martin connect it with a tribe of Moghasis (Magasis), which, according to them, form the most numerous part of the population of Kutch Gandava, a region bordering on the territories of the ancient Mosikano. Another historian considers it to represent the Sanskrit Mushika, meaning a mouse or a thief, "Indirect evidence of its existence … if evidence were wanted … is perhaps to be found in the description given of the territory of Mousikanos", says Major-General Haig. “His lands were reported to Alexander as being 'the most flourishing of all in India,' a report verified by the subsequent experience of the Greeks. It has been usual to identify this territory with the district around Aror. I am inclined to place part of it, all the events, farther north and to determine the whole with the southwest portion of Bahawalpur territory and perhaps a considerable part of modern Sind east of the Indus. 

In the northern portion of this district, some thirty miles from the Sind frontier, are the ruins of the ancient town Mau, a name that at least suggests a possible connection with Mousikanos. The last syllable of the latter is undoubtedly a Greek suffix, as are the previous syllables in Oxykanos and Portikanos, names which appear to have been applied to the same person through some error or confusion on the part of either Arrian or Diodorous. The meaning of all three would be 'Chief of the tribe, or country, of Mousika, Oxyka, Portika. Lasson says that Mushika is the name of a tribe mentioned in the Vishnu Puran, and it is possible that it may have settled on the Indus banks. Still, whether or not, and however doubtful the connection between Mau and Mousikanos, it is more likely that the Bahawalpur district would be exceptionally remarkable for its flourishing condition than the country in the neighborhood of Aror. This huge area is occupied by rock and sand hills. It is still productive, though now far from crowded, and it is exposed to Hoods from the Indus, which in these later ages is charged with the whole volume of the Punjab streams, while in the older times, a considerable portion of the burden was born by the lost river."

We need to gain more knowledge about Buddhism in the Indus Valley due to the accounts left by the numerous Chinese pilgrims who trod the 'Silk Route' that led across fertile valleys, barren deserts, and snow-capped mountains to visit the birthplace of Buddhism. More than 60 such travelers have left behind valuable records of their journeys, the famous among them being Fahein, Yuan Chwang, and Hiuen Tsang. The account left by Hiuen Tsang throws much light upon the social and religious conditions of the Indus Valley. He says that during the time (7th A.D.), several hundred Sangharanas in the Indus region were occupied by about 10,000 priests, and they studied the Little Vehicle. When the Tathagata, the Buddha, was in the world, he frequently passed through this country. Therefore, Ashoka Raja had found many stupas at places where the sacred traces of his presence were found. From the record of Hiuen Tsang, the pilgrim also visited Alor, which he calls Pi-then-po-pu-lo. According to N.M. Billimoria, "the single principality of Upper Sind which is now. generally known as ‘Siro' that is the 'Head or Upper' division, described as being 7000 li, or 1167 miles, in the circuit, which is too great unless, as is very probable, it comprised the whole of Kachh Gandava on the west … In the seventh century, the Capital of the Province was named Pi-Chen-po-po-lu, which M. Julien transcribes. 

According to Vicvapura M. Vivien de St. Martin, the city that Hiuen Tsang referred to as Pi-chen-po-pu-lo in his writings may be the Sanskriti Cichalapura, also known as the "city of the Middle Sind," and referred to by the locals as Vachlo. While Hiuen Tsang could have used the Hindi Bichwa-pur to refer to the "Middle city," his consistent usage of Sanskrit forms prompts us to look for a pure Sanskrit word as the original name. Historical records and tradition suggest that Alor was the capital of Sind both before and after Hiuen Tsang's visit. Therefore, the newly discovered name is likely to be a variant appellation of the old city rather than a reference to a second capital.

The indications are that the Chinese word Pi-chen-po-pu-lo is the translation of Pattan-jo-Munaro. It is also possible that even at that time as today, Pattan might have had more than one name. Moreover, there are also instances that a new city was always built close to the old city in the Indus Valley after the changes in the courses of rivers swept it away. This happened even in historical times in Sind. Pattan Munara was a new city near Alor when Hieun Tswang visited it.

Moreover, the name Vichavpur may be the corruption of the words Fattanpur or Pattanpur, two other names of the present ruins of Pattan Munara. It also appears that when Alor was surrounded by the rivers Hacra and Indus, a lighthouse was built there, and Alor or Aror also assumed the name of Pattan Munara because of its lighthouse. We cannot blame Hiuen Tsang entirely for this connection. For example, he is correct when he says that the Raja of Upper Sind at the time of his visit (A.D. 641) was Sin-to-b or Sudra; he also correctly translates the name of the city of Patiala, which he calls O-fan-cha. The second name of the town of Alor was probably Pattan Munara. 

The antiquity of the city of Patan is proven because no Muslim historian mentions Pattan in his work. It must have been depopulated and ruined long before they wrote their accounts. The present name has survived only in local legends. Even Colonel Tod needs to trace the entire history of Pattan. He considers this city as a capital of a great 

Hindu Raja in the 10th century A.D. In his 'Annals of Rajasthan’ the names of the 'Prince of Pattan' "Princes of Pattan,' etc., occur, but he does not give the correct site of the place, leaving it to the imagination of his readers. The author mentions Alor and highlights its significance by quoting Abul Fazal and Ibn-Haukal. According to these sources, Alor was a prominent city comparable in importance to Multan. It was one of the nine divisions of Maru under the Pramar dynasty's governance. Notably, the Sodha clan was one of the primary branches of this dynasty. Bakhar Island, also known as Mansura, was named by the lieutenant of the Kalif Al-Mansur. It is located a few miles west of Aror and was considered the capital of Sogdai during Alexander's voyage down the Indus. The Sogdai and Soda may be the same, given the similarity of the names and the well-authenticated fact of immemorial sovereignty over the region. The Soda princes were the patriarchs of the desert when the Bhattis migrated from the north, but it is unclear from the chronicles whether they also deprived them of Aror and Lodorva. It is unlikely that the Umras and Sumras are merely sub-divisions of the Sodha rather than coequal or coeval branches with them. St. Martin places the capital of the sogdai at Alor or Aror. At the same time, Cunningham suggests that it is located higher upstream, at the village of Sarwahi, about midway between Alor and Uch. All these are confusing statements but give weight to the opinion that Alor was indeed very near to Pattan or was the second name of the Pattan. Sarwahi, also known as Seorai and Siwrae, is only a few miles from Pattan.

In the 10th century, Pattan was rebuilt by the Sumras, whose capital it remained for a long time. The last Chief of the dynasty was Hamir Sumra, whom the Sammas deposed. Bahawalpur Gazetteer says that “the branch of Sumras settled here is said to have joined the Biloches, now called the Gurchani section, and is settled in Harrand in the Dera Ghazi Khan district. The legend runs that Goresh Sumra lost his way out hunting and was found in the last stage of exhaustion by a party of Bilochis who carried him to their encampment, where they employed a young woman to nurse him. On his recovery, he married her, was admitted into her tribe, and, joined by all his brethren, founded the Gurchani section of the Baluch tribe. The Tarikh Murad gives another legend accounting for the voluntary exile of the Sutras. When Hamir Sumra flourished at Pattan, the country was split up into petty principalities quite independent of and often at war with one another, and the Chief of Phul Wada (now shastra or Rahimyar Khan) was one Lakha, son of Phul who was famous for his generosity to the bards. Lakha gave some horses as gifts to a Charan called Swami. These were stolen at Pattan, where the bard halted on his way home, by some Sumra youths. Knowing that the theft was committed with the connivance of Hamir and his wazir, the Charan composed the following quatrain. “Cursed be upon Dhura Roe, who robbed a Charan, may Pattan fall and Sej change its course. May Hamir Sumra not be spared to reign to a full old age.’ This quatrain spread far and wide into the country, and the dishonor to which this verse subjected the Sumras was so unbearable that they left Pattan for Baluchistan hills and are now called Guchanis.”

According to legend, the city of Pattan, too, like Alor (Aror), was destroyed due to the wickedness of women. Both were maids and very beautiful. This is more proof that both settlements are the same. The woman who killed Pattan is known as the 'Maid of Pattan.' The legend says: "Once upon a time, a maid of enchanting beauty lived in the ancient city of Pattan. One day, she was bathing on the banks of river Hacra when the god of waters appeared on the scene. The god was so impressed by her beauty that he immediately begged her to be his spoke and to lead a life of eternity in his realm. But she politely refused the offer on the ground that she preferred to live as an ordinary mortal. Enraged by her refusal, the god of the waters threatened to destroy the city if his wish was not fulfilled. But the maid was clever. Upon her request, her parents arranged a hasty marriage, and she left Pattan immediately after marriage. She was away when the very next day, the angry waves of the river engulfed the city under the instruction of their god. The following local proverb still recalls that incident: “Jainh sang Pattan qarq thia, Uho which hi nan hai, i.e., The woman who was the cause of the destruction of Pattan was not in it (when it was destroyed). 

When Colonel Minchin got the tower of Pattan excavated, some inscriptions in Sindhi character were found from which it appeared that it served as a temple between A.D. 1559 and 1569. It shows that this Buddhist monastery was converted into a temple. People from Bikaner and Jaisalmer used to visit the tower as late as the beginning of the 16th century and annually celebrated a meta, called the Shivratri, in the month of Mangh. In those days, the Sej received the Shivratri in the month of Mangh. In those days, the Sej received the overflow of Indus, and Pattan was an attractive place. There was an underground building with seven rooms (all, including the floor and roof, of stone) in the center of which were two reservoirs, one filled with milk and the other with water during the festival. Baba Ratta or Haji Rata used to administer the sacred milk and water to the pilgrims. In the time of Nawab Bahawal Khan 111 (about 1840), a Jogi of the Ogur caste was in charge of this sacred building; he is said to have got himself buried in a heap of salt close to the underground chamber and thus ended his life. The disciple of Jogi abjured old practices and placed a ling in the marhi. The ling worship was so popular that Muslim women began visiting and began the machine. This excited the wrath of the orthodox Muslims, who demolished the building and, on its ruins, built a mosque. 


Architecture of Pattan Munara 

Rahimyar Khan in Punjab is far away from the Salt Range, on the edge of the Cholistan desert, but one tenth-century temple there needs to be compared to what was being built in the Northwest. Closer to Jaisalmer than to the Indus River, Pattan was a crossroads. The ‘lighthouse tower’ (Figure 2), known now as Pattan Mināra, is the ruined core of a red-brick temple related to architecture in Marudeśa (Dhaky, 1975) as well as, in a limited way, to the Salt Range. A temple of considerable architectural importance, it has largely slipped out of South Asia’s scholarly attention (Meister, 2010). 
Figure 2: Pattan Munāra, Punjab, ‘minār’ from south 
Figure 3: Pattan Munāra, brick temple, south.

Figure 4: Pattan Munāra, brick temple, sanctum, southwest.
Figure 5: Māri-Indus, Temple B, entry hall, trefoil arch over doorway, east.
Figure 6: Pattan Munāra, brick temple, south wall, vaulted niche with trefoil pediment. 
Figure 7: Moulding typologies
The core of this temple stands proudly, if in somewhat forlorn isolation, on the Cholistan desert, ca. five miles east of Rahimyar Khan (Figure 3). In the nineteenth century, Pattan Munāra continued to be the focus of an important annual fair. Mughal (1997) identified its tower as “remains of a pre-Islamic shrine” and the site as “early historical and Islamic.” Commented on in a series of Gazetteers during the British period, this structure received brief archaeological attention when Vats 1929 reported it in the Archaeological Survey of India’s Annual Report for 1926–27. The Imperial Gazetteer of India 1908: 73 located Pattan Munāra “in the Naushahra tehsil of Bahāwalpur State, Punjab, situated in 28E 15’ N. and 70E 22’ E., 5 miles east of Rahīmyār Khan.”
The earliest published report on the structure was by Lieut. Col. B. R. Branfill 1882, but “the writer having no leisure to visit this place sent a native messenger.” He pleaded, “It is to be desired that photographs and a full description of this ancient relic should be taken and published.” Cousens 1929 followed up on Branfill’s report of carved stones at nearby Vijnot but not on the brick tower at Pattan Munāra. Branfill recorded his informant’s description of a stone sanctum door, no longer present: “A small low door on the west side gives access to a little vacant chamber. The jambs, lintel, and sill of the doorway are of (red sand-) stone, carved with a row of deep rectangular incisions, and the remains of a lion’s head in front of the sill.”
Auj 1991: 84 called the tower at Pattan Munāra “another stupa built during the time of Kanishka” and noted that “Apart from Buddhist stupas of Sui Vihar and Pattan Munara which are in Cholistan, the other two stupas of the Indus valley are at Mirpur Khas and Thul Mir Rukan in Sind.” His principal source for Pattan Munāra was the entry in the Bahawalpur District Gazetteer (Panjab et al., 1908, p. 377), which referred to the tower at Pattan Munāra as a “Buddhist monastery” and reported that “the second story was pulled down by Bahadur Khan Halani in 1740 A.D. and a brick was discovered which bore an inscription in Sanskrit showing the monastery was erected in the time of Alexander the Great.” Auj 1991: 85–89 allowed that “The identification of Pattan Munara with Alor, the old capital of Sind during the rule of Rai Chach is probably correct” and cited Tod 1920: 1283 saying that Alor “was one of the ‘nine divisions of Maru’ governed by the Pramar.” The Imperial Gazetteer of India 1908: 73 reported that a “Sanskrit inscription, now lost, is said to have recorded the existence of an ancient monastery.” The Panjab State Gazetteer, vol. 36a, 1908: 377 described the structure as it survived in the nineteenth century in the following way: “The only piece of ancient architecture . . . is a tower which stood in the center of four similar but smaller towers all forming a Buddhist monastery. The four towers joined to the central tower at its upper story existed in dilapidated condition as late as the beginning of the 18th century when they were pulled down.”

2.1 Surviving Remains

However, the west-facing structure that survives today tells its own story (Figures 2–4). An elegantly constructed brick cella with an upper chamber on a high mound rests on a foundational core (bhiṭṭa). The pedestal (pīṭha) consists of a plinth and torus and wall moldings (vedībandha) of the hoof (khura), shoulder (kumbha), pot (kalaśa), and cyma eave (kapotapālī) (Figure 2). These are moldings typical of temples in Western India. The wall’s five offsets have a beautifully finished brickwork frieze, plain save for a garland of pearl chains and half-lotuses at the top and a simple pedimented niche on the central offset. The complex cornice at the top of the wall consists of cyma moldings to either side of a broad recessed band of the palm-leaf pattern (Figure 3).
The cubical ‘upper story’ with a chamber inside (Figure 4) is, in fact, the core of the lower register of a now dismantled multi-spired śikhara built over a sanctum with a surrounding ambulatory corridor. The four subsidiary ‘towers’ of the ‘monastery’ described by the Bahawalpur Gazetteer—no longer present—were the corner buttresses of this elaborate tower, framing the circumambulatory path (Figure 5). Such a well-finished core can be seen exposed beneath the surviving central tower of a ruinous nine-spired śikhara crowning a ninth-century temple at Harṣa, near Jaitaran in Rajasthan (Meister/Dhaky 1992: 259–263).
Figure 8: Pattan Munāra, sanctum, plan reconstructed with balconies and circumambulatory corridor. 


Vats 1929: 109–110, while not elaborating on the Gazetteer’s discussion of that inscribed brick referring to Alexander’s period, did recognize the architectural nature of this structure. He wrote of the upper storey’s sockets:
“They appear to have been meant for the insertion of wooden beams joined together at the projecting ends by crossbeams, over which were raised pillars supporting the projecting parts of the four subsidiary sikharas corbeled near the middle of the second story. Decayed pieces of beams, which might have held together the lower framework fitted into the holes referred to, still exist on the sides of the tower. The vacant spaces between the central and subsidiary shares at the corners were occupied by tower-like constructions relieved by chaitya-roof and gable-moldings.”
He concluded that “the main sikhara, which was originally surrounded by four subsidiary spires, furnishes unmistakable evidence of the structure having been a Hindu temple of Pancharatna type, the like of which is not known elsewhere.” Vats’ 1929: fig. 34d photograph of Pattan Munāra before conservation shows two levels of the corner band of the central spire still preserved (Figuer 10).
Vats compared this temple’s brickwork to that at Sirpur and Bhītargāon in Eastern and Central India, with which he was intimately familiar, and concluded that “I am disposed to assign [the structure] to the later Gupta period. Compared with the Lakshmana temple at Sirpur, which has been assigned with great probability to the 7th or 8th century A.D., the Munāra is a much finer work.” The quality of brickwork can more readily be compared to early cut-brick tombs in Pakistan during the Muslim period (Meister, 2003). 

2.2 Reconstruction

It is now feasible to position Pattan Munāra's monument more accurately within the development of temple architecture in Western India and identify its distinctiveness. Vats used the term 'pañcaratna' when proposing that the tower of this temple enclosed an ambulatory, borrowing from the late Bengali temples with five towers (McCutchion & Michell, 1983). However, a series of stone temples with multi-spired śikharas and enclosed ambulatories in Central and Western India are a more relevant comparison for Pattan Munāra (Meister/ Dhaky 1992) (Figure 9 & Figure 10).
Figure 9: Ambulatory plans in Western India: a) Osiāñ, Mahāvīra temple; b) Chittor, Kālikāmātā temple. 
Figure 10: Pattan Munāra, brick temple (right), detail of damaged tower before conservation 
Vats (1929) reported that “the Munara stands on a solid mass of sun-dried bricks and has neither porch nor platform attached to it.” Other temples with an inner ambulatory path are configured with an enclosed hall, with projecting balconies that echo balconies at central points around the ambulatory (Figure 9). Of the large temple at Harṣa, Meister (2010) wrote: “As is the case for several other sāndhāra [ambulatory] temples of the eighth and ninth centuries, the rectangular ground plan. . . is composed of two squares—one for the mūlaprāsāda [sanctum] and the other for the gūḍhamaṇḍapa [pillared hall].” The broad balconies that project from the ambulatory path around the sanctum focus light on the central niches on the walls of such temples. Four pillars of these balconies are spaced to align with the sanctum’s corner and flanking offsets to frame the central niche on the sanctum wall (Figure 3). In Western India, these balconies can be of two types in this period. For example, eighth-century ambulatory temples at Chittorgarh project all four pillars to form an expansive balcony (fig. 120b). In western Rajasthan, a different typology prevailed; balconies were framed by thin walls projecting from the corner piers framing the ambulatory, and only the central, more broadly spaced, pair of pillars projected (figs. 120a).
Despite Pattan Munāra’s tower-like appearance today (Figure 2), this temple would have had ambulatory balconies and some form of a front hall. Remains of curved levels of large brick domes survive above the crowning moldings of the sanctum wall (Figures 3, 4). Flat triangular panels carved with quarter-lotuses framed these domes. Vats (1929) observed that “these semi-domes were built on the same design as the dome of the cella.” These seem a remarkable extension of the constructional technology pioneered in the Northwest. They may mimic the ornamented stone ceilings of Western India (Mate, 1962), but they are not built like them. Pattan’s ‘Minār’ has been heavily conserved in recent decades (Mughal, 1997), but the remains of these domes remain intact. They acted as ceilings for balconies projecting north, west, and south and perhaps a larger one for an entry hall to the west. Their scale would have required balconies four pillars wide, as at Chittor (Figures 9, 10).
At Pattan Munāra, the central wall niches have a vaulted interior below a trefoil pediment (figs. 114, 117). Vats 1929:10 also observed this in 1926–27, describing “arched niches, which occupy the central projection on three sides.” This almost disguised knowledge of arched vault and dome construction connects this temple in some fashion to the Gandhāra-Nāgara architecture of the Northwest (fig. 149). In most respects, Pattan Munāra can better be related to stone temple architecture in Western India. Base moldings, architectural elements, and ornament fit within the “Mahā-Maru” category. Dhaky 1975 was established and comparable to ca. late ninth-/early tenth-century temples in Marudeśa.
While vaults and arches were found in early brick architecture at Bhītargāon and Bodhgayā temples, they played no part in the seventh/eighth-century brick temples of Dakṣiṇa Kosala, which instead used corbelled interior spaces to lighten the tower’s fabric. However, technology does linger in isolated pockets. A small number of surviving Latina brick temples from the tenth century at Ṭiṭhaurā and Kurārī, in Madhyadeśa, have interior domes and squinches. Krishna Deva (Dhaky 1998: 87) wrote that the sanctum interior of the Viṣṇu Temple at Ṭiṭhaurā “has a domical ceiling of three diminishing concentric rings, the largest resting over corner squinches supported on thick timber beams.”
The cubical brick core of the superstructure now visible above the broken ambulatory ceilings at Pattan Munāra (Figure 2) would have been hidden within an ascending construction of two levels, each supporting corner latina towers, making the śikara nine-spired. Vats 1929: pl. 34d published an essential photograph of the Mināra before conservation, showing a part of the southwest corner of the central tower surviving (fig. 121, correct). Comparable temples in Western India have often had their superstructures damaged or rebuilt, perhaps because of the complex engineering of such a structure, and the region does not have infrequent earthquakes. I compare a detail of Vats’ photograph with one of the multi-spired superstructure of the ca. 850–875 Mālādevī temple at Gyaraspur, Madhya Pradesh, to suggest the kind of appearance Pattan Munāra would once have had (Figure 10). 

3. Conclusion

That Pattan Munāra was particularly important throughout the desert regions through many centuries was recorded in early British Gazetteers (Panjab State Gazetteers 1908: 378): “The Hindu Rājas and chiefs of Sindh, Bikāner, and Jaisalmer used to visit the tower as late as the beginning of the 18th century and annually celebrated a mela, called Shivarātrī, in the month of Māngh.” A structure used for that festival was torn down only in the nineteenth century, according to the same source, and a mosque was built to discourage Muslim women from worshiping the temple’s liṅga for fertility. While conducting field research in Marwar, however, I found no memory of this festival at Pattan among residents of the desert regions of western Rajasthan. Although a part of Pattan Munāra survives, its ritual life does not.
A lot is known about the structure, but the consensus is that it was built during the Hakra Valley civilization of the Mauryan period (250 BC). The mineral is named after Pattan Pur, which is said to have once been a lush city nestled on the bank of the River Ghagra, an offshoot of the River Indus. Pattan Minara thus means ‘Tower on the Ford.’ The structure has a single doorway facing west. There appears to be no way to reach the top floor. At some point, the mineral is said to have been used as a watch tower. Some archaeologists believe the structure was built by Alexander the Great when he passed through this area during his military expedition to India. As was his practice, Alexander set up a cantonment here under a Greek governor, and the tower kept a watchful eye on the local tribes. There is a mystery behind it: Once, the treasure was hidden in that historic building. By the 18th century, when Pattan Minara was demolished, they discovered a brick with Sanskrit written on it.
Nearly a century and a half ago, a political agent of the former state of Bahawalpur called Colonel Minchin is said to have set out to explore the ruins of Pattan Minara. He passed an order to excavate the place, but while digging, the workers came across a swarm of flies whose sting killed them. Due to this event, he had to abandon exploration. 
Today, in an ironic twist of fate, a major sewage scheme, undertaken by the government, is destroying Pattan Minara even though it is an officially declared heritage site. Informal housing is creeping up in the surrounding area and the construction industry is excavating for reti-bajri or sand around the ruins. Govt. should protect the site and more excavation surveys should be carried out to explore the site. 

References 

Ahmad, F., Ali, Z., & Farooq, S. (2005). Historical and archaeological perspectives of soil degradation in Cholistan. Sociedade & Natureza, 1(1), 864-870. 
Auj, N. (1991). Cholistan: land and people: Caravan Book Centre.
Dhaky, M. (1975). The genesis and development of Maru-Gurjara temple architecture. Studies in Indian Temple Architecture, 114-165. 
Mate, M. S. (1962). " The Ceilings in the Temples of Gujarat" Bulletin of the Bar oda Museum and Picture Gallery, Vols. XVI-XVII. In: JSTOR.
McCutchion, D., & Michell, G. (1983). Brick Temples of Bengal. In: Princeton: Princeton.
Meister, M. W. (2003). Crossing Lines: Architecture in Early Islamic South Asia. RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics, 43(1), 117-130. 
Meister, M. W. (2010). Temples of the Indus: Studies in the Hindu Architecture of Ancient Pakistan: Brill.
Mughal, M. R. (1997). Ancient Cholistan: archaeology and architecture: Ferozsons.
Vats, M. S. (1929). Pattan Munara. ASIAR 1926-27, 108-110. 

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